Geohydrology and Structure: Groundwater Resource Estimation

Geohydrology and Structure: Groundwater Resource Estimation SYNOPSIS The past few decades have witnessed an ever increasing demand for groundwater and its scarcity related problems, particularly in semi-arid hard rock terrains, are well known and draw attention of many geoscientists. Deccan Volcanic Province (DVP) comprises a sequence of basaltic lava flows of Cretaceous to Eocene age which are covering an estimated areal extent of 5,00,000 Km2 in west central part of Peninsular India. Groundwater potential of the basaltic aquifers (considered to be ‘multiple aquifer systems’ due to the flow characteristics) constituting DVP is highly variable and inconsistent due to the heterogeneity and anisotropy in the aquifer characteristics (Deolankar, 1980; Duraiswami, 2008; Duraiswami et al., 2012). Presence of basic dykes in such an environment makes the hydrologic characteristics of the basaltic aquifers more complex. There exists a characteristic pattern in the distribution of the dykes and distribution of simple and compound lava flows in DVP (Deshmukh and Sehgal, 1988; Ju et al., 2013; Ray et al., 2007; Vanderkluysen et al., 2011). A wide variation in the climate, physiography and rainfall is also an important aspect while estimating the groundwater potentiality of the DVP area. An attempt is made to study the effect of the dyke intrusions on hydrogeology of Nandurbar area, which is located near the Narmada Tapi Rift zone. Approximately 640 Km2 in Nandurbar district (primarily a tribal district in Maharashtra state) around Nandurbar city was considered for detailed study. A detailed study was carried out to estimate the groundwater resources, keeping in mind the marked growth in agricultural activities and human population over the last decade in the study area and its proximity to Narmada Tapi rift zone and presence of dyke intrusions . The area under study is located around the city between East Longitude 74 ° 05’ 00† to 74 ° 25’ 00† and North Latitude 21 ° 15’ 00† to 21 ° 25’ 00† and included within the Survey of India topographical map numbers 46 K/3 and 46 K/7. The main objectives of the present work are: To describe the general trend, and structure of the lineaments (fractures and dykes) using field evidences, topographical maps and satellite imageries. To understand the effect of dykes and fractures on the permeability and porosity of rocks in the study area depending on their distribution, orientation and density. Analysis and integration of remote sensing and ground based hydrogeological data through Geographic Information System (GIS) to prepare groundwater potential zonation map for the study area. To analyze the water samples covering the entire area to understand the groundwater quality and its related problems. Evaluation of the groundwater potential zones and resource estimation in relation to the structures (mainly dykes) in the area together with the quality zonation mapping would be useful for strategic planning and management of groundwater resources in the DVP. The study was carried out with the help of six components: Input from remote sensing data Topographic maps Data collected from field visits Groundwater quality analysis. Preparation of thematic maps Integration and analysis of the results in a GIS platform. As this area is intruded by dyke swarms, identification of lineaments and preparation of the thematic maps were carried out using topographical maps, satellite imageries and field data. Field work included water level measurement, litho-log preparation, collection of water from wells for quality analysis, well inventory etc. The geological and geomorphological maps were prepared and cross checked during field works and final maps were prepared with necessary modifications. Compilation of the observation from well data, rainfall data and the previous records collected from GSDA and CGWB were carried out to know the long term trend of the groundwater conditions. Laboratory analysis of the water samples and the petrographic studies of the rock samples reveal the quality and geological aspects. Geology, geomorphology and the hydrogeological characteristics of the rocks have considerable effect on controlling the occurrence and movement of groundwater. Geological investigation of the area reveals that the area is mainly constituted by simple and compound basaltic flows. Quaternary alluvial deposits of moderate thickness are located in the north eastern part of the study area. Dykes’ being the major structural features present in the area stands out as prominent ridges due to the resistance to weathering and are mainly trending in the ENE-WSW directions. Dykes are of basaltic to doleritic composition and are of varying length, mainly exposed in the central and southern part of the study area. Landforms are classified mainly into structural, denudational and fluvial origin. Dykes being the major structural features in the study area, are studied in detail and analysis of their orientation, thickness, length and density were carried out. Slope, slope aspect, digital elevation model, curvature and topographic wetness index parameters were used to generate results to understand the relationship between the geomorphology and hydrogeology, which is indicating towards a greater control of dykes on hydrogeological setup of the area. Tributaries of Tapi River drain the study area and follow the regional slope from South to North and which intersects dykes at many locations. This structural relation is of great importance and it reveals a significant control of dykes on groundwater occurrence and movement. Drainage textural analysis is used to analyze their control on permeability characteristics of the terrain and also to demarcate the potential recharge zones. Hypsometric analysi s of the watersheds constituting the study area helped to understand the erosional susceptibility of different watersheds and their stages of evolution. The role of lineaments can be of great importance while carrying out hydrogeological investigation of an area. Due to varying aquifer characteristics basaltic flows in the study area shows wide variation in the occurrence and movement of groundwater. Observation wells were monitored for the spatial and temporal variation in water levels and quality. Input from eighty eight (88) observation wells were used to generate various hydrogeological maps and to analyze the hydrogeological setup of the area. Analytical results indicate the occurrence of three different types of aquifers namely, basaltic, alluvial and dyke aquifers. Wells tapping the dyke aquifers or which are located near the dykes observed to be more productive compare to the rest, indicating the significant influence of the dykes. Dykes also show unique joint pattern and can be correlated with their lithology; i.e. doleritic (characterized by moderately to largely spaced joints) and basaltic (closely spaced joints). Evaluation of the groundwater flow direction and hydraulic gradient results of the study area shows a close correlation with the lineaments. Lineaments which are parallel to the hydraulic gradient located in the south eastern part of the study area have little influence on groundwater movement. However lineaments located perpendicular to the hydraulic gradient has considerable effect on the occurrence and movement of groundwater. Such dykes in the study area can also used as artificial recharge structures, which in turn could promote the recharge of groundwater. Time series analysis of four observation well data of past twenty years were analyzed to understand the rising and falling trend of water levels in the study area. The chemical qualities of the groundwater sample collected during two seasons were analyzed from th state level water testing laboratory of Tamil Nadu Water supply and Drainage (TWAD) Board at Chennai. Analysis of the results shows that groundwater chemistry is controlled mainly by the climatic and rock water interaction and there exists a spatial and temporal variation in groundwater quality. The cationic values in groundwater show increasing trend from higher elevations to lower elevations indicating the control of basaltic rock lithology. Nitrate, sulphate and chloride concentration in groundwater is mainly indicative of the anthropogenic factors. Analysis based on drinking water standards (BIS, 2012) indicates the degradation of groundwater quality in this area due to nitrate contaminations and groundwater hardness. Nitrate levels exceeding the desirable limits were observed in major part of the study area can be correlated with the increased agricultural activities and other ant hropogenic factors. Thematic maps based on various chemical parameters were generated to understand the spatial and temporal variation in the groundwater chemistry. Suitability of groundwater for irrigation was verified using United States Salinity Laboratory’s(USSL) graphic classification, Sodium Adsorption Ratio (SAR), Sodium percentage, Conductivity (Todd, 2003) and Kelly’s Ratio(Kelly, 1957). Analysis helped to delineate areas exceeding the permissible limits and such areas needs proper care and management while selecting the crops and suitable method of irrigation. Dykes which stand out as ridges were also noted by characteristic joint pattern. Nature of boulders present on the dyke surfaces were used to analyze the joint pattern of the dykes using high resolution satellite imagery and field evidences. This approach found to be useful in delineating the carrier and barrier stretches of dykes in the groundwater exploration stage and shows significant correlation with their water bearing characteristics. Topographic lows in the dykes proven to be of significant importance in groundwater development. Data acquired through remote sensing of the study area was also used to generate different thematic maps. Thematic maps generated and validated through field work ( i.e, Lineament map, dyke density map, geomorphological map, drainage density, Land Use/ Land Cover map etc.), were integrated using multi criteria analyses in GIS platform to delineate the groundwater potential zones. Integration of water quality maps generated for different parameters bas ed on groundwater chemistry were used to prepare groundwater quality zonation map and has been used to delineate the spatial and temporal variations of groundwater in the study area. Results obtained from this analyzes can be used effectively while planning and managing the groundwater resources of similar areas globally. References BIS, 2012. Indian Standard Drinking Water -Specification ( Second Revision). Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS), IS 10500, New Delhi. Deolankar, S.B., 1980. The Deccan Basalts of Maharashtra, India- Their Potential as Aquifers. Ground Water 18, 434–437. Deshmukh, S.S., Sehgal, M.N., 1988. Mafic dyke swarms in Deccan Volcanic Province of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, in: Subbarao, K. V (Ed.), Deccan Flood Basalts. Memoir of the Geological Society of India, v.10, pp. 323–340. Duraiswami, R.A., 2008. Changing geohydrological scenario in the hard- rock terrain of Maharashtra: Issues, Concerns and way forward, in: Das, S. (Ed.), Changing Geohydrological Scenario, Hardrock Terrain of Peninsular India. Golden Jubily Volume. 69, Geological Society of India, Bangalore, pp. 86–121. Duraiswami, R.A., Das, S., Shaikh, T.N., 2012. Hydrogeological framework of aquifers in the Deccan Traps, India: Some Insights, in: Pawar, N.J., Das, S., Duraiswami, R.A. (Eds.), Hydrogeology of Deccan Traps and Associated Formations in Peninsular India. Memoir. 80, Geological Society of India, Bangalore, pp. 1–15. Ju, W., Hou, G., Hari, K.R., 2013. Mechanics of mafic dyke swarms in the Deccan Large Igneous Province: Palaeostress field modelling. J. Geodyn. 66, 79–91. doi:10.1016/j.jog.2013.02.002 Kelly, W.P., 1957. Adsorbsed sodium cation exchange capacity and percentage sodium sorption in alkali soils. Science (80-. ). 84, 473–477. Ray, R., Sheth, H.C., Mallik, J., 2007. Structure and emplacement of the Nandurbar – Dhule mafic dyke swarm , Deccan Traps , and the tectonomagmatic evolution of flood basalts. Bull. Volcanol. 69, 537–551. doi:10.1007/s00445-006-0089-y Todd, D.K., 2003. Groundwater Hydrology, 2nd ed. John Wiley Sons (Asia) Pte. Ltd. Vanderkluysen, L., Mahoney, J.J., Hooper, P.R., Sheth, H.C., Ray, R., 2011. The Feeder System of the Deccan Traps (India): Insights from Dike Geochemistry. J. Petrol. 52, 315–343. doi:10.1093/petrology/egq082

Conflict Theory

The several social theories that emphasize social conflict have roots in the ideas of Karl Marx (1818-1883), the great German theorist and political activist. The Marxist, conflict approach emphasizes a materialist interpretation of history, a dialectical method of analysis, a critical stance toward existing social arrangements, and a political program of revolution or, at least, reform. Marx summarized the key elements of this materialist view of history as follows: In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material forces of production. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the general process of social, political and intellectual life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social existence that determines their consciousness (Marx 1971:20). Marx divided history into several stages, conforming to broad patterns in the economic structure of society. The most important stages for Marx's argument were feudalism, capitalism, and socialism. The bulk of Marx's writing is concerned with applying the materialist model of society to capitalism, the stage of economic and social development that Marx saw as dominant in 19th century Europe. For Marx, the central institution of capitalist society is private property, the system by which capital (that is, money, machines, tools, factories, and other material objects used in production) is controlled by a small minority of the population. This arrangement leads to two opposed classes, the owners of capital (called the bourgeoisie) and the workers (called the proletariat), whose only property is their own labor time, which they have to sell to the capitalists. Economic exploitation leads directly to political oppression, as owners make use of their economic power to gain control of the state and turn it into a servant of bourgeois economic interests. Police power, for instance, is used to enforce property rights and guarantee unfair contracts between capitalist and worker. Oppression also takes more subtle forms: religion serves capitalist interests by pacifying the population; intellectuals, paid directly or indirectly by capitalists, spend their careers justifying and rationalizing the existing social and economic arrangements. In sum, the economic structure of society molds the superstructure, including ideas (e. g. , morality, ideologies, art, and literature) and the social institutions that support the class structure of society (e. g. , the state, the educational system, the family, and religious institutions). Because the dominant or ruling class (the bourgeoisie) controls the social relations of production, the dominant ideology in capitalist society is that of the ruling class. Ideology and social institutions, in turn, serve to reproduce and perpetuate the economic class structure. Thus, Marx viewed the exploitative economic arrangements of capitalism as the real foundation upon which the superstructure of social, political, and intellectual consciousness is built. (Figure 1 depicts this model of historical materialism. Marx's view of history might seem completely cynical or pessimistic, were it not for the possibilities of change revealed by his method of dialectical analysis. (The Marxist dialectical method, based on Hegel's earlier idealistic dialectic, focuses attention on how an existing social arrangement, or thesis, generates its social opposite, or antithesis, and on how a qualitatively different social form, or synthesis, emerges from the resulting struggle. ) Marx was an optim ist. He believed that any stage of history based on exploitative economic arrangements generated within itself the seeds of its own destruction. For instance, feudalism, in which land owners exploited the peasantry, gave rise to a class of town-dwelling merchants, whose dedication to making profits eventually led to the bourgeois revolution and the modern capitalist era. Similarly, the class relations of capitalism will lead inevitably to the next stage, socialism. The class relations of capitalism embody a contradiction: capitalists need workers, and vice versa, but the economic interests of the two groups are fundamentally at odds. Such contradictions mean inherent conflict and instability, the class struggle. Adding to the instability of the capitalist system are the inescapable needs for ever-wider markets and ever-greater investments in capital to maintain the profits of capitalists. Marx expected that the resulting economic cycles of expansion and contraction, together with tensions that will build as the working class gains greater understanding of its exploited position (and thus attains class consciousness), will eventually culminate in a socialist revolution. Despite this sense of the unalterable logic of history, Marxists see the need for social criticism and for political activity to speed the arrival of socialism, which, not being based on private property, is not expected to involve as many contradictions and conflicts as capitalism. Marxists believe that social theory and political practice are dialectically intertwined, with theory enhanced by political involvement and with political practice necessarily guided by theory. Intellectuals ought, therefore, to engage in praxis, to combine political criticism and political activity. Theory itself is seen as necessarily critical and value-laden, since the prevailing social relations are based upon alienating and dehumanizing exploitation of the labor of the working classes. Marx's ideas have been applied and reinterpreted by scholars for over a hundred years, starting with Marx's close friend and collaborator, Friedrich Engels (1825-95), who supported Marx and his family for many years from the profits of the textile factories founded by Engels' father, while Marx shut himself away in the library of the British Museum. Later, Vladimir I. Lenin (1870-1924), leader of the Russian revolution, made several influential contributions to Marxist theory. In recent years Marxist theory has taken a great variety of forms, notably the world-systems theory proposed by Immanuel Wallerstein (1974, 1980) and the comparative theory of revolutions put forward by Theda Skocpol (1980). Marxist ideas have also served as a starting point for many of the modern feminist theorists. Despite these applications, Marxism of any variety is still a minority position among American sociologists. Functionalism is the oldest, and still the dominant, theoretical perspective in sociology and many other social sciences. This perspective is built upon twin emphases: application of the scientific method to the objective social world and use of an analogy between the individual organism and society. The emphasis on scientific method leads to the assertion that one can study the social world in the same ways as one studies the physical world. Thus, Functionalists see the social world as â€Å"objectively real,† as observable with such techniques as social surveys and interviews. Furthermore, their positivistic view of social science assumes that study of the social world can be value-free, in that the investigator's values will not necessarily interfere with the disinterested search for social laws governing the behavior of social systems. Many of these ideas go back to Emile Durkheim (1858-1917), the great French sociologist whose writings form the basis for functionalist theory (see Durkheim 1915, 1964); Durkheim was himself one of the first sociologists to make use of scientific and statistical techniques in sociological research (1951). The second emphasis, on the organic unity of society, leads functionalists to speculate about needs which must be met for a social system to exist, as well as the ways in which social institutions satisfy those needs. A functionalist might argue, for instance, that every society will have a religion, because religious institutions have certain functions which contribute to the survival of the social system as a whole, just as the organs of the body have functions which are necessary for the body's survival. Functionalist theories have very often been criticized as teleological, that is, reversing the usual order of cause and effect by explaining things in terms of what happens afterward, not what went before. A strict functionalist might explain certain religious practices, for instance, as being functional by contributing to a society's survival; however, such religious traditions will usually have been firmly established long before the question is finally settled of whether the society as a whole will actually survive. Bowing to this kind of criticism of the basic logic of functionalist theory, most current sociologists have stopped using any explicitly functionalistic explanations of social phenomena, and the extreme version of functionalism expounded by Talcott Parsons has gone out of fashion. Nevertheless, many sociologists continue to expect that by careful, objective scrutiny of social phenomena they will eventually be able to discover the general laws of social behavior, and this hope still serves as the motivation for a great deal of sociological thinking and research. RATIONAL CHOICE AND EXCHANGE THEORY {text:bookmark-start} {text:bookmark-end} SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONISM Symbolic interactionism, or interactionism for short, is one of the major theoretical perspectives in sociology. This perspective has a long intellectual history, beginning with the German sociologist and economist, Max Weber (1864-1920) and the American philosopher, George H. Mead (1863-1931), both of whom emphasized the subjective meaning of human behavior, the social process, and pragmatism. Although there are a number of versions of interactionist thought, some deriving from phenomenological writings by philosophers, the following description offers a simplified amalgamation of these ideas, concentrating on points of convergence. Herbert Blumer, who studied with Mead at the University of Chicago, is responsible for coining the term, â€Å"symbolic interactionism,† as well as for formulating the most prominent version of the theory (Blumer 1969). Interactionists focus on the subjective aspects of social life, rather than on objective, macro-structural aspects of social systems. One reason for this focus is that interactionists base their theoretical perspective on their image of humans, rather than on their image of society (as the functionalists do). For interactionists, humans are pragmatic actors who continually must adjust their behavior to the actions of other actors. We can adjust to these actions only because we are able to interpret them, i. e. , to denote them symbolically and treat the actions and those who perform them as symbolic objects. This process of adjustment is aided by our ability to imaginatively rehearse alternative lines of action before we act. The process is further aided by our ability to think about and to react to our own actions and even our selves as symbolic objects. Thus, the interactionist theorist sees humans as active, creative participants who construct their social world, not as passive, conforming objects of socialization. For the interactionist, society consists of organized and patterned interactions among individuals. Thus, research by interactionists focuses on easily observable face-to-face interactions rather than on macro-level structural relationships involving social institutions. Furthermore, this focus on interaction and on the meaning of events to the participants in those events (the definition of the situation) shifts the attention of interactionists away from stable norms and values toward more changeable, continually readjusting social processes. Whereas for functionalists socialization creates stability in the social system, for interactionists negotiation among members of society creates temporary, socially constructed relations which remain in constant flux, despite relative stability in the basic framework governing those relations. These emphases on symbols, negotiated reality, and the social construction of society lead to an interest in the roles people play. Erving Goffman (1958), a prominent social theorist in this tradition, discusses roles dramaturgically, using an analogy to the theater, with human social behavior seen as more or less well scripted and with humans as role-taking actors. Role-taking is a key mechanism of interaction, for it permits us to take the other's perspective, to see what our actions might mean to the other actors with whom we interact. At other times, interactionists emphasize the improvisational quality of roles, with human social behavior seen as poorly scripted and with humans as role-making improvisers. Role-making, too, is a key mechanism of interaction, for all situations and roles are inherently ambiguous, thus requiring us to create those situations and roles to some extent before we can act. Interactionists tend to study social interaction through participant observation, rather than surveys and interviews. They argue that close contact and immersion in the everyday lives of the participants is necessary for understanding the meaning of actions, the definition of the situation itself, and the process by which actors construct the situation through their interaction. Given this close contact, interactionists could hardly remain free of value commitments, and, in fact, interactionists make explicit use of their values in choosing what to study but strive to be objective in the conduct of their research. Symbolic interactionists are often criticized by other sociologists for being overly impressionistic in their research methods and somewhat unsystematic in their theories. These objections, combined with the fairly narrow focus of interactionist research on small-group interactions and other social psychological issues, have relegated the interactionist camp to a minority position among sociologists, although a fairly substantial minority. Bureaucratic Form According to Max Weber — His Six Major Principles Before covering Weber's Six Major Principles, I want to describe the various multiple meanings of the word â€Å"bureaucracy. A group of workers (for example, civil service employees of the U. S. government), is referred to as â€Å"the bureaucracy. † An example: â€Å"The threat of Gramm-Rudman-Hollings cuts has the bureaucracy in Washington deeply concerned. † Bureaucracy is the name of an organizational form used by sociologists and organizational design pr ofessionals. Bureaucracy has an informal usage, as in â€Å"there's too much bureaucracy where I work. † This informal usage describes a set of characteristics or attributes such as â€Å"red tape† or â€Å"inflexibility† that frustrate people who deal with or who work for organizations they perceive as â€Å"bureaucratic. Weber noted six major principles. 1. A formal hierarchical structure Each level controls the level below and is controlled by the level above. A formal hierarchy is the basis of central planning and centralized decision making. 2. Management by rules Controlling by rules allows decisions made at high levels to be executed consistently by all lower levels. 3. Organization by functional specialty Work is to be done by specialists, and people are organized into units based on the type of work they do or skills they have. 4. An â€Å"up-focused† or â€Å"in-focused† mission If the mission is described as â€Å"up-focused,† then the organization's purpose is to serve the stockholders, the board, or whatever agency empowered it. If the mission is to serve the organization itself, and those within it, e. g. , to produce high profits, to gain market share, or to produce a cash stream, then the mission is described as â€Å"in-focused. † 5. Purposely impersonal The idea is to treat all employees equally and customers equally, and not be influenced by individual differences. . Employment based on technical qualifications (There may also be protection from arbitrary dismissal. ) The bureaucratic form, according to Parkinson, has another attribute. 7. Predisposition to grow in staff â€Å"above the line. † Weber failed to notice this, but C. Northcote Parkinson found it so common that he made it the basis of his humorous â€Å"Parkinson's law. † Parkinson demonstrated th at the management and professional staff tends to grow at predictable rates, almost without regard to what the line organization is doing. The bureaucratic form is so common that most people accept it as the normal way of organizing almost any endeavor. People in bureaucratic organizations generally blame the ugly side effects of bureaucracy on management, or the founders, or the owners, without awareness that the real cause is the organizing form. Iron cage is a sociological concept introduced by Max Weber. Iron cage refers to the increasing rationalization of human life, which traps individuals in an â€Å"iron cage† of rule-based, rational control. He also called such over-bureaucratized social order â€Å"the polar night of icy darkness†. The original German term is stahlhartes Gehause; this was translated into ‘iron cage', an expression made familiar to English language speakers by Talcott Parsons in his 1958 translation of Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Recently some sociologists have questioned this translation, arguing that the correct term should be ‘shell as hard as steel' and that the difference from the original translation is significant. A more literal translation from German would be â€Å"steel-hard housing. Weber wrote: â€Å"In Baxter’s view the care for external goods should only lie on the shoulders of the ‘saint like a light cloak, which can be thrown aside at any moment. ‘ But fate decreed that the cloak should become an iron cage. † Weber became concerned with social actions and the subjective meaning that humans attach to their action s and interaction within specific social contexts. He also believed in idealism, which is the belief that we only know things because of the meanings that we apply to them. This led to his interest in power and authority in terms of bureaucracy and rationalization

Succubus Dreams CHAPTER 25

I'd sworn I'd never go back into my bedroom, but just then, I needed my bed. I spent the rest of the day in it, curled up in the proverbial fetal position. Much like when I'd made Seth leave, I didn't feel anything. I was dead inside. There was nothing left, nothing in my life, nothing to keep me going. Some wise part of my brain said I should cry. I knew there was grief inside of me, grief that would eventually explode. But I was blocking it for now, afraid to acknowledge that all of this was real or face the consequences. This, I realized, was why Yasmine had screamed. It was a terrible thing to be cut off from something you loved so much. To be cut off from the thing that gave your existence meaning. Hours passed, and light and shadows moved across my bedroom as the sun began its descent. My room grew dark, but I didn't bother flipping on the lights. I didn't have the energy or motivation. I don't know how much time passed before I heard the knock. At first, I wasn't even sure that's what it was. Then, it sounded again – definitely someone knocking on my front door. I stayed in bed, not wanting to see or talk to anyone. What if it's Seth? Some small part of me clung to that hope, that maybe he'd changed his mind. The rest of me didn't believe it. I'd seen the look in his eyes. The resolve. He wasn't coming back. And if he wasn't coming back, then there was no point in being social. My visitor knocked a third time, louder still. Beside me, Aubrey turned her head toward the living room, then toward me, no doubt wondering why I wouldn't put a stop to the noise. With a sigh, I crawled out of bed and stalked toward the front of the apartment. Half-way there, I stopped. It wasn't Seth. â€Å"Georgina!† wailed a twangy soprano voice. â€Å"I know you're in there. I can sense you.† I'd sensed Tawny too, of course, which is why I'd stopped walking. I sighed again, wondering if it would be possible to ignore her. Probably not. Even if I didn't answer, she'd probably stand out there all day, now that she knew I was here. I opened the door, expecting to be barreled into with tears and fanfare. Instead, I found Tawny standing calmly outside my door, hesitant to enter. Her eyes were wet after all, but she seemed to be trying very hard to rein herself in. The trembling of her lip suggested that wasn't going to be easy. And she had a glow. â€Å"C-can I come in?† she asked. I stepped to the side and waved her in. â€Å"You want me to take you out for a drink to celebrate your conquest?† That was it. She lost it. Sobbing into her hands, she sank down on to my loveseat. Still numbed from the Seth fallout, I had no mental energy to deal with this. Not enough energy to hate her, not enough energy to pity her. I was living apathy. â€Å"Tawny, I – â€Å" â€Å"I'm sorry!† she interrupted. â€Å"I'm so, so sorry. I didn't want to. I didn't want to do it. But he told me if I did that it'd pay off for both of us, that he'd pull strings to get me faster advancement and that I'd – â€Å" â€Å"Whoa, hang on,† I said. â€Å"Who's ‘he'? Niphon?† She nodded and produced a pack of tissues from her purse. At least she traveled prepared now. She blew her nose loudly before going on. â€Å"He told me to fake it – fake being bad. I mean†¦well, actually, I am kind of bad. Okay, a lot bad. I can't flirt like you. And I really can't dance.† She paused a moment, as though this caused her particular pain. â€Å"But you were right in saying it was impossible for me to not get sex from someone. I did. I just lied and said I couldn't.† It was just as I'd suspected for a while now, but hearing her confirm it didn't really cheer me up. It was yet another reminder of all the miserable things in my life these last couple of weeks. Staring at her, I still couldn't bring myself to feel angry at her. Partially because I was still drained of feeling and partially because it just wasn't worth it. Niphon had used her to play me, but he'd played her too. â€Å"You're a good liar,† I told her finally. â€Å"I could never be sure if you were telling the truth or not – but you seemed to be. I'm usually good at reading people.† Tawny smiled, just a little, with something almost like pride. â€Å"I hustled people a lot when I was mortal. Worked some con jobs.† The smile disappeared. â€Å"Until that asshole dumped me for a cheap blond whore. She had no idea what she was doing, but did he care? No. Dick. He's sorry now. They both are.† I blinked. I hadn't expected to hear that. I wasn't sure I wanted to hear that. Suddenly, Tawny's initial desire to make men everywhere suffer made a lot more sense – as did the reason she might have sold her soul in the first place. I hoped her current appearance wasn't some weird bastardization of the cheap blond whore. Because that would just be kind of creepy. â€Å"Well, um, I'm†¦sure they are. And you know, the skills you need to hustle and con aren't that different from seduction.† Maybe it was the moving and talking, but as I sat there, my sluggish brain began to stir to life and analyze the situation. â€Å"Tawny, why are you telling me this? If you're working for Niphon, he's probably not going to appreciate you blowing his cover.† â€Å"You're right. He doesn't know I'm here. But†¦but I was afraid. I know it'll all come out if you tell, and I don't want to go down with him! I thought if I came and talked to you and told you what happened that maybe†¦maybe you could forgive me. I'm starting to like it here. I don't want to leave. And if they punish him, they'll punish me too and – â€Å" â€Å"Wait, wait. Stop again. Punish him for what? For getting you to lie?† I frowned. â€Å"And what is it I'm going to tell?† Tawny was so surprised that she forgot to sniffle. â€Å"About her.† â€Å"Her?† â€Å"That – that hag. The one who came into my dreams†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"Nyx? Oh. That really is how you hid your glow. Hugh was right.† â€Å"I hated it,† said Tawny vehemently. â€Å"Every time he made me go to her so she could suck me out. And then I'd have such weird dreams.† Think, Georgina, think! It was all coming together here if I could just put my own romantic disaster off to the side of my mind for a moment. â€Å"You†¦went to Nyx willingly? To have your energy sucked out so I wouldn't find out that you were lying?† Tawny nodded. My brain hurt. â€Å"And he – Niphon – made you, and – † I stopped. â€Å"Niphon knew about Nyx. You both did. And how to find her.† â€Å"He's the one who got her to come here when she escaped. Promised her two succubi,† sniffed Tawny. She gave me a puzzled look. â€Å"I thought†¦I thought you knew all that? I heard you were there when they captured her†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Tawny looked a little nervous, like she was wondering if maybe she'd done the wrong thing in betraying Niphon. As for me, I was suddenly reliving the battle back in my bedroom and Nyx's offer to help me get revenge on the one who'd sent her after me†¦. Niphon. â€Å"Niphon?† I exclaimed. â€Å"Niphon sent a crazy chaos goddess after me? Why? Why does he hate me that much?† Tawny's eyes went wide, no doubt surprised at my sudden outburst. â€Å"I†¦I don't know. He just said that he wanted to make things difficult for you. Screw up your life. Maybe get you sent away.† Hugh's words came back to me. All I know is that when an imp shows up and is going to this much trouble over something, the evidence suggests it's big. My heart raced, and I grabbed hold of her hand. â€Å"Tawny. Did he ever say anything about my contract? Any contract at all?† She shook her head frantically, tousling her blond curls even more than they already were. â€Å"No, not while I was around.† â€Å"Are you sure? Think! Think of anything, anything at all he might have said to explain why he did what he did.† â€Å"No, nothing!† She broke her hand away. â€Å"I'm telling you the truth this time. He just made it sound as though†¦well, like he didn't like you. He wanted you to be unhappy. Suffer. I don't know.† Niphon. So many things could be laid at his feet. According to Tawny, he'd used her to make me look like a bad mentor (which I was, kind of) and possibly get sent away. The imp had also talked to Seth about selling his soul – despite my warnings. Seth's decision to leave me had been his own, true. But, I realized, Niphon had played a role in getting Seth to think about such things. The distraction Nyx had caused – which apparently Niphon had brought about too – had cut me off from spending time with Seth. Realizing how close he'd been to selling his soul had driven Seth away. The fear of how that would affect him and me both had been too strong – strong enough that he chose to walk away from me. â€Å"Georgina?† I made a decision then. It wasn't going to change what had happened with Seth and me, but it was going to make me feel better. â€Å"Georgina?† repeated Tawny, peering at me. â€Å"Are you okay? You aren't going to get me sent away, are you? Georgina?† I rose from my chair, surprised at how my muscles had become kinked. No longer wanting to be dressed up, I shape-shifted out of the dress and into jeans and an empire cut sweater. Black. Like my mood. I glanced over at Tawny. â€Å"You want to go to a party with me?† I drove us over to Peter and Cody's, where the â€Å"evil† holiday party was taking place. I barely noticed that it was raining again. I walked up the building's stairs like one going to her own funeral, grim and purposeful – and with enough speed that Tawny had to scurry to keep up in her stilettos. When I felt the immortal signatures within the apartment, smug relief flooded me upon discovering Niphon was still there. Peter opened the door before I finished knocking. He wore a red sweater with an appliqu? ¦ Santa on it. It matched his tree, of course. â€Å"Look at this,† he said sarcastically. â€Å"She deigns to show up and join us lowly – â€Å" I strode past him without a word. He gaped. Moving through the room, I was vaguely aware of the others there. Jerome. Cody. Hugh. But I didn't want any of them. Niphon, standing with a glass of wine, regarded me with curious amusement as I headed straight for him. Considering I usually avoided him if it all possible, my approach undoubtedly astonished him. But not as much as when I punched him. I didn't even need to shape-shift much bulk into my fist. I'd caught him by surprise. The wineglass fell out of his hand, hitting the carpet and spilling its contents like blood. The imp flew backward, hitting Peter's china cabinet with a crash. Niphon slumped to the floor, eyes wide with shock. I kept coming. Kneeling, I grabbed his designer shirt and jerked him toward me. â€Å"Stay the fuck out of my life, or I will destroy you,† I hissed. Terror filled his features. â€Å"Are you out of your fucking mind? What do you – † Suddenly, the fear disappeared. He started laughing. â€Å"He did it, didn't he? He broke up with you. I didn't know if he could do it, even after giving him the spiel about how it'd be better for both of you. Oh my. This is lovely. All your so-called charms weren't enough to – ahh!† I'd pulled him closer to me, digging my nails into him, and finally, I felt an emotion. Fury. Niphon's role had been greater than I believed. My face was mere inches from his. â€Å"Remember when you said I was nothing but a backwoods girl from some gritty fishing village? You were right. And I had to survive in gritty circumstances – in situations you'd never be able to handle. And you know what else? I spent most of my childhood gutting fish and other animals.† I ran a finger down his neck. â€Å"I can do it for you too. I could slit you from throat to stomach. I could rip you open, and you'd scream for death. You'd wish you weren't immortal. And I could do it over and over again.† That wiped the smirk off Niphon's face. Behind me, the rest of the room had come to life. â€Å"For fuck's sake,† yelled Jerome. â€Å"Get her off him.† Strong hands pulled me back, Cody and Hugh each grabbing one of my arms. I fought against them, struggling to get back to a cringing Niphon. My friends were too strong. I couldn't break free and didn't have the life left to shape-shift added bulk. â€Å"Get rid of him, Jerome!† I yelled. â€Å"Get rid of him, or I swear to God, I really will rip him apart. He set me up to fail with Tawny. He brought Nyx here, for fuck's sake! Get rid of him!† I saw my boss's face. He didn't like being yelled at or ordered around – particularly in front of others. His face was hard and angry. I could tell he was about to tell me to shut up, and then something in his expression shifted. He turned his attention back to Niphon. â€Å"Get out,† the demon said. Niphon stared open-mouthed. Very fishlike, actually. â€Å"Jerome! You can't just – â€Å" â€Å"Get out. I know what you were trying to do, but you shouldn't have done it behind my back. Go back to your hotel, and be out of town by tomorrow.† Niphon still wanted to protest. But then, he looked at Jerome, looked at me, and then looked at Jerome again. Swallowing, the imp scrambled to his feet and grabbed a briefcase sitting on the couch. With one more glance back at me, he ran out the door. Jerome's gaze fell on Tawny, who was pressing herself against the wall in a futile effort to disappear. â€Å"It's not her fault,† I said quickly. â€Å"Don't punish her.† Jerome studied her a few more moments before sighing impatiently. â€Å"Later. I'll deal with you later.† I wasn't sure if that was a good thing or not, but the fact that he hadn't smote her on the spot was a positive sign. Judging from the grateful look on her face, she agreed. Cody and Hugh still had a death grip on me, but after several moments, they released me. I sagged with exhaustion, surprised to see I was breathing heavily. Tension filled the room. Finally, Cody said, â€Å"Where did you learn to throw a right hook?† â€Å"You don't live through the Dark Ages without learning stuff like that,† mused Peter. He glanced at the spilled wine and sighed. â€Å"Club soda's not going to get that out.† â€Å"Georgie,† said Jerome in a rumbling voice. â€Å"Do not ever speak to me like that.† I steadied my breathing and swallowed back the bloodlust coursing through me. I met Jerome's dark eyes defiantly. â€Å"Noted,† I said. Then, unable to handle my friends' looks of both astonishment and concern, I ran out of the apartment. I made it down one flight of stairs before collapsing and sitting on the landing. I buried my face in my hands and started sobbing. The grief had finally won. A few minutes later, I heard footsteps on the stairs. Hugh sat down beside me and put his arms around me. I pressed my face to his chest and kept crying. â€Å"You'll get over this,† he said quietly. â€Å"No. I will never get over this. I'm alone. I wish I was dead.† â€Å"No, you don't. You're too wonderful and have too many people who love you.† I lifted my head and looked at him. I'd never seen his face so compassionate, so serious – except when he'd yelled at Seth during poker. I sniffed and ran a hand over my wet eyes. â€Å"We broke up. This is what you wanted. You didn't want me and Seth to be together.† Hugh shook his head. â€Å"I like Seth. I want you to be happy. If you could be together without all the heartache, I'd send you on with my blessing. But I don't think that's possible. I think this is best.† â€Å"You told him the only way I'd let him go is if he hurt me, if he was an asshole. Do you think that's why he did it? Slept with Maddie? Because only something drastic would drive me away?† Hugh looked surprised at the reference to Maddie. â€Å"I don't know, sweetie. I don't know what he was thinking.† Sighing, I leaned back into him. â€Å"I will never get over this.† â€Å"You will.† â€Å"It's going to take a lot of time.† â€Å"Well, you have a lot of time.†

Children s Impact On Children Essay - 1472 Words

Introduction Children are one of the vulnerable section of the society and victims of different kinds of exploitation. All the atrocities, instability in the society directly and indirectly make impact on children. Children in armed conflict one of such group in the society who is vulnerable and prone to many exploitation. The relationship of the child with war can be categorised into two. One is children are impacted by the war by losing their shelter, their identity their family and the rights. Second they are involved in the war in the form of child soldiers by force. When a war or conflict take place all the thing surrounded with the place where the conflict happened will be get disturbed all the people living or related to that particular place get affected. The severe effects will be suffered by the children in that place as they are the most vulnerable section. 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